On this matter: Gaston, E. and A. Derzsi-Horváth, Iraq After ISIL: Sub-State Actors, Local forces, and the Micro-Politics of Control, Berlin: GPPI, 2018.
See for example: Al-Ali, Zaid, Why Iraq’s surprising election doesn’t signal major changes, Washington Post, online: link (accessed 1 June 2018).
Kane, S., Iraq’s disputed territories: A view of the political horizon and implications for US policy, Washington DC: USIP, 2011.
Van Veen, E., F. El Kamouni-Janssen and N. Grinstead, A house divided: Political relations and coalition-building between Iraq’s Shi’a, The Hague: Clingendael, 2017.
It is for this reason that ideas like establishing a ‘Nineveh Plain Province’ might gain political traction, even though they would not necessarily bring about more representative governance with solid guarantees for minority rights. See: O’Driscoll, D. and D. van Zoonen, Governing Nineveh after the Islamic State: A solution for all components, Erbil: MERI, 2016.
It should be borne in mind that the area has a long history of ethnic-sectarian tensions and that memories go back for decades. For example, one of the first instances of ‘sectarian’-tinged violence in contemporary Iraq was the state-instigated Assyrian massacre of 1933. In more recent history, the cold-blooded murder of 796 Yezidi civilians in a town near Sinjar on 14 August 2007 is the bloodiest terrorist attack after 9/11 in terms of casualties. See: Sasapost.com and Reuters (both consulted on 21 June 2018).